tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3261052335869187859.post1662419270067492057..comments2023-06-18T23:25:49.743+08:00Comments on 轉世新加坡的台客: 李光耀:风流总被雨打风吹去忠 Chonghttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02260178086336121164noreply@blogger.comBlogger2125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3261052335869187859.post-85422065246106837742011-05-28T13:02:15.000+08:002011-05-28T13:02:15.000+08:00Two Faces of Men in White by Loh Miaw Ping
by Teo ...Two Faces of Men in White by Loh Miaw Ping<br />by Teo Soh Lung on Friday, 27 May 2011 at 23:48<br /><br />The May 13 Generation edited by Tan Jing Quee, Tan Kok Chiang and Hong Lysa was recently launched in Singapore, Kuala Lumpur and Penang. This book contained the above article by Loh Miaw Ping at page 227. The original article was written in Chinese. If the English version is a faithful translation, it is evident that even after nearly half a century, Loh remembers clearly her unjust incarceration by Lee Kuan Yew and is still angry at the men in white.<br /> <br />Loh, a Chinese school student was first detained by Lim Yew Hock under the Preservation of Public Security Ordinance in 1956. Lee Kuan Yew, her lawyer, had then advised her stoutly that the charges were groundless and without any factual basis. She was released three years later. In September 1963, she stood for election in Havelock as a Barisan candidate. She won. But even before she could be sworn in as a member of parliament, she was arrested by the PAP government and detained for 6 long years under the Internal Security Act. According to Loh, the grounds of detention were the same as those in 1956.<br /> <br />Loh was not the only member of parliament who was detained before being sworn into parliament in 1963. ST Bani and Lee Tee Tong were similarly detained. Two other members, Chan Sun Wing and Wong Soon Fong fled the country to avoid arrest. Four years later, Chia Thye Poh, a Barisan member of parliament was also arrested and detained for 27 years by the PAP.<br /> <br />For anyone who wants to know how the Chinese educated were betrayed by Lee Kuan Yew, Loh's article is a good introduction. I hope that with the publication of Loh's account, more Chinese educated will write their stories. Ignorance can no longer be bliss for Singaporeans. We need to know what the PAP did to their political opponents for half a century and how they were villified. We need to know the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth.<br /><br />extracted from Teo Soh Lung Facebook<br /><a rel="nofollow" href="https://www.facebook.com/notes/teo-soh-lung/two-faces-of-men-in-white-by-loh-miaw-ping/133506003390948">https://www.facebook.com/notes/teo-soh-lung/two-faces-of-men-in-white-by-loh-miaw-ping/133506003390948</a>ang clhttp://clang13.multiply.comnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3261052335869187859.post-88708672520906368792011-05-27T00:52:40.000+08:002011-05-27T00:52:40.000+08:00周虽旧邦,其命维新
(2011-05-22)
● 叶鹏飞
本文题目出自《诗经·大雅·文王》:“...周虽旧邦,其命维新<br />(2011-05-22)<br />● 叶鹏飞<br /><br /> 本文题目出自《诗经·大雅·文王》:“文王在上,于昭于天。周虽旧邦,其命维新。”大意是说:周文王禀受天命,昭示天下:周虽然是旧的邦国,但其使命却在于革新。新内阁名单公布时,让人不由得想到了这句深具政治意涵的古诗句。<br /><br /> 对于独立还不到半个世纪的共和国,“旧邦”或许还谈不上;但对于连续执政超过半个世纪的人民行动党,本次内阁改组所展现的中兴气象,却完全可以用“其命维新”来理解和期待。“维新”的意义之所以显著,更在于政治强人李光耀先生的巨大身影,终于淡出权力中枢,让行动党下一代领导人能够走出他的影响,开创属于自己的新局。<br /><br /> 在其与吴作栋先生联名的声明中,李光耀先生明确地指出,“分水岭大选”是他们决定离开内阁的动机;而且他们也在字里行间,透露了对于自己在政治上可能已经成为党的负担心里有数。声明表示,年轻一代的国人,需要一支全新的年轻部长团队来联系。<br /><br /> 其实在很多国人眼中,两人在大选期间的言论,不但让人觉得他们与大势明显脱节,也在一定程度上打击了行动党的选情,更让外界对于行动党的选举策略,甚至党内团结感到困惑。对于选情危急的阿裕尼集选区,李光耀先生一度表示,就算行动党失去了一个集选区也不是世界末日,尔后却高姿态地警告阿裕尼选民,选择工人党“必将后悔”、选民“可以用未来的五年来忏悔”。<br /><br /> 吴作栋先生在力挺杨荣文时竟然说,一些部长在处理住屋和交通问题方面表现不理想,也可以不投选黄根成,因为他让马士沙拉末逃脱,但杨荣文没有犯错,不应该面对选民的惩罚。在许多选民,尤其是行动党的支持者看来,这番话非但不能帮到杨荣文,反而让负责住屋的马宝山及交通的林双吉,以及被他公开点名的黄根成陷入被动尴尬的局面,同时等于把子弹送给在野党对手攻击同党参选同志,也难怪外界会对于行动党在大选的关键时刻是否党内生变,议论纷纷。<br /><br /> 李先生在选后毅然携吴先生手离开权力中枢,展现了惊人的政治判断力及意志力,一方面清除外界对于行动党内存在分歧的不利联想,另一方面也为秘书长李显龙总理创造了新的政治可能性。既然连位高权重的资政都可以离开,旧内阁里也就没有什么人能免于下台的命运。把黄根成、马宝山及林双吉的突然引退,拿来和两资政的离开一同审视,才能得出新内阁之所以能出现新气象的内在政治逻辑。<br /><br /> 李总理关于三位部长离开内阁的客套说法,当然不乏政治礼貌的考量。但从全局观之,三人所负责的部门显然是民间怨气最集中的领域;如果三人的离去与此无关,就无从表达新政府重视民意、追究政治责任、锐意改革的新形象了。民间舆论对于这个重大人事变革反应良好,更说明了这个壮士断腕之举背后的政治意涵。<br /><br /> 公允地说,内阁实行的是集体责任制,各部门的政策都是内阁商议后的共同决定。换言之,政策成败的最终责任归属在政府本身,而非个别部长;但是作为一种政治动作,这样大刀阔斧的交代方式,显然是较容易让社会看得懂的做法。更关键的是,它还夹带表达了政府势必改弦易辙的决心,重拾国人的信赖。<br /><br /> 由此,我们可以看到行动党强大的政治生命力。虽然长期执政多年,且还是一贯地强势领导,但当政权在新形势下面对真正的挑战及威胁时,党内领导层还是能够顺天应人,迅速地评估局势并及时作出相应的调整与改变。就此而言,在野阵营固然在大选中取得重大突破,面对一个身段依旧灵活的行动党,接下来要如何进一步扩大战绩,恐怕并没有想象中来得容易;但这对于新加坡未来民主政治的良性竞争,却是一个很好的消息。<br /><br /> 基于竞争的立场,在野党对于本次内阁名单自然还是采取挑刺的态度。但是撇开朝野对立的偏见,在野阵营就新内阁的某些批评,却并非完全没有道理。他们在意的是,政策会否紧随人事变动而相应改变。李总理在介绍新内阁时强调:“我们准备一切都从零开始检视问题”,这无疑是正确的态度,也是行动党继续执政必须抱持的态度。<br /><br /> 古今中外,改革事业往往充满风险。行动党在选后痛定思痛,亡羊补牢,算是一个好的开始。但接下来是否能赢回那些不满的中间选民的心,过程不会是一帆风顺。从某个意义而言,这个被李总理形容为“激进的”、“划时代的”的人事变动,反映的其实也是民心民意激进和划时代的转变。新一代国人用选票明确地表达了求新求变的心声,新内阁名单是呼应此大势的一个开端。行动党其实是在和时间赛跑——虽然至今还不算落后。<br /><br /> 接下来检视成败的标准,就端看政策及其制定过程的转变,是否如同人事变化一样激进,效果是否为国人所接受。政治意识及公民责任在大选中被唤醒的国人,只会用更高的标准来要求公仆履行职责,而在忍耐了五年错误政策所累积的不满后,他们的耐性恐怕有限。<br /><br /> 行动党的革新大业,因此面临的是一场免于被形势赶上的挑战。李总理表示,他希望第四代领导人在2020年全面接班的计划没变,2011年的维新改革,将决定这个计划的命运。<br /><br /> (作者是本报评论员)<br /><br />新一代国人用选票明确地表达了求新求变的心声,新内阁名单是呼应此大势的一个开端。行动党其实是在和时间赛跑——虽然至今还不算落后。<br /><br />转载联合早报网<br /><a rel="nofollow" href="http://www.zaobao.com.sg/yl/yl110522_002_1.shtml">http://www.zaobao.com.sg/yl/yl110522_002_1.shtml</a>ang clhttp://clang13.multiply.comnoreply@blogger.com